Kingdom – Plantae
Phylum – Magnoliophyta
Class – Magnoliopsidia
Order – Rosales
Family – Cannabaceae
Genus – Cannabis
Species – Sativa, Indica, Ruderalis
This is the binomial nomenclature for marijuana. Now, you might need to help us out with this. But, how amazing would it be if this page became so popular that it was the first thing that came up when you searched “binomial nomenclature” on Google. Think of how many high school freshmen would show up in biology class with the taxonomy of marijuana. Anyway, we figured this was something good to cover. Sure, there are probably thousands, if not more, strains of marijuana. But you have to understand that these strains are all the bastard children of these three species of marijuana, bred, interbred, cross bred, inbred, and etc. naturally and by man over the past several million years. The more inbred one individual strain got the more prominent the distinct characteristics of that strain become. Since marijuana has been around for millions of years its probable that marijuana has been growing on this Earth longer than humans have harnessed the power of fire. It’s kind of ironic actually, especially considering that there’s no record that cavemen didn’t harness the power of brownies either.
But, I’m clearly high, rambling and getting off topic. So, lets get into the difference between the 3 well known, documented, and widely accepted species of marijuana. The consensus is that more strains likely exist today or did at one point in history.
Cannabis sativa is the tallest of the three marijuana species. Cannabis indica tends to be shorter and bushier. And, cannabis ruderalis is a much smaller plant.
The one thing that separates Cannabis ruderalis from the other two species is that it is auto-flowering. So, each individual strain (Skunk #1, Grand Daddy Purp, OG Kush, Sour Diesel) will have a light cycle that is most beneficial for plant growth and yield. However, ruderalis strains do not need to be subjected to a 12 hours of light and 12 hours of dark cycle in order to induce flowering. Instead, rudelais strains start flowering based on the age of the plant and mature with time as opposed to a change in the light cycle.
The highs differ between indica and sativa strains, with indica tending to be a more whole body feeling while sativa is more of a head high. Cannabis ruderalis strains are crossed with either an indica or sativa strain or both, and the new strain that is created will take on the characteristics of the indica or sativa it was introduced to. The benefit of this is to get the desired characteristic of the indica or sativa with the autoflowering capability of the ruderalis. Since ruderalis strains mature with time they mature quicker which gives the plant less time to grow and causes the yield of a ruderalis plant to be generally smaller than that of an indica and much much smaller than that of a sativa.
So, for everyone who voted in the poll. The answer is ruderalis. If you have any questions, feel free to leave a comment or shoot us an email.
http://marijuanamythbusters.com/tag/marijuana-binomial-nomenclature/
(Photo: Harold M. Lambert/Getty Images)
At the time, back in January in New Hampshire, it didn’t seem like that big a deal, certainly nothing to rival previous debate flash points like “9-9-9” and “Oops!” But in retrospect it may have been one of the more fateful twists of the Republican presidential campaign. The exchange was prompted by George Stephanopoulos, who seemingly out of nowhere asked Mitt Romney if he shared Rick Santorum’s view that “states have the right to ban contraception.” Romney stiffened, as he is wont to do, and took the tone of a men’s club factotum tut-tutting a member for violating the dress code. “George, this is an unusual topic that you’re raising,” he said. “I know of no reason to talk about contraception in this regard.” The partisan audience would soon jeer the moderator for his effrontery.
Afterward, Romney’s spokesman Eric Fehrnstrom accused Stephanopoulos of asking “the oddest question in a debate this year” and of having “a strange obsession with contraception.” It was actually Santorum who had the strange obsession. He had first turned the subject into a cause in October by talking about “the dangers of contraception in this country.” Birth control is “not okay,” he said then. “It’s a license to do things in a sexual realm that is counter to how things are supposed to be.”
As we know now, Santorum, flaky though he may sound, is not some outlier in his party or in its presidential field. He was an advance man for a rancorous national brawl about to ambush an unsuspecting America that thought women’s access to birth control had been resolved by the Supreme Court almost a half century ago.
The hostilities would break out just weeks after the New Hampshire debate, with the back-to-back controversies of the White House health-care rule on contraceptives and the Komen Foundation’s dumping of Planned Parenthood. Though those two conflicts ended with speedy cease-fires, an emboldened GOP kept fighting. It had women’s sex lives on the brain and would not stop rolling out jaw-dropping sideshows: an all-male panel at a hearing on birth control in the House. A fat-cat Santorum bankroller joking that “gals” could stay out of trouble by putting Bayer aspirin “between their knees.” A Virginia governor endorsing a state bill requiring that an ultrasound “wand” be inserted into the vagina of any woman seeking an abortion.
It’s not news that the GOP is the anti-abortion party, that it panders to the religious right, and that it’s particularly dependent on white men with less education and less income—a displaced demographic that has been as threatened by the rise of the empowered modern woman as it has been by the cosmopolitan multiracial male elites symbolized by Barack Obama. That aggrieved class is, indeed, Santorum’s constituency. But, as Stephanopoulos was trying to get at when he challenged Romney, this new rush of anti-woman activity on the right isn’t coming exclusively from the Santorum crowd. It’s a phenomenon extending across the GOP. On March 1, every Republican in the Senate except the about-to-flee Olympia Snowe—that would be 45 in total—voted for the so-called Blunt Amendment, which would allow any employer with any undefined “moral” objection to veto any provision in health-care coverage, from birth control to mammograms to diabetes screening for women (or, for that matter, men) judged immorally overweight.
After the Blunt Amendment lost (albeit by only three votes), public attention to the strange 2012 Republican fixation on women might have dissipated had it not been for Rush Limbaugh. His verbal assault on a female Georgetown University law student transformed what half-attentive onlookers might have tracked as a hodgepodge of discrete and possibly fleeting primary-season skirmishes into a big-boned narrative—a full-fledged Republican war on women. And in part because Limbaugh pumped up his hysteria for three straight days, he gave that war a unifying theme: pure unadulterated misogyny.
The GOP Establishment didn’t know what to do about Rush. Conservatives had tried to make the case that the only issue at stake in the contraception debate was religious liberty—Obama’s health-care czars forcing religiously affiliated institutions (or more specifically Catholic institutions) to pay for birth-control coverage (which 98 percent of sexually active American Catholic women use at some point, according to the Guttmacher Institute). But the Obama administration had walked back that rule in a compromise acceptable to mainstream Catholics, including the Catholic Health Association. So what was Rush yelling about now except his own fantasies (videos included) about this young woman’s sex life?
The right’s immediate solution was simple: The best defense of Rush was a good offense. He was guilty mainly of a poor choice of words (as he himself said in his “apology”) and so was really no different from Bill Maher, Ed Schultz, and Keith Olbermann, among other liberal hypocrites who had used “slut,” “whore,” or worse to slime Republican women. It was an entirely valid point—and also a convenient distraction from Virginia’s vaginal wands, Congressman Darrell Issa’s all-male panel, Foster Friess’s aspirin-between-the-knees, and that ugly Blunt business in the Senate.
At the very top of the Washington GOP Establishment, however, there was a dawning recognition that a grave danger had arisen—not to women, but to their own brand. A month of noisy Republican intrusion into women’s health and sex organs, amplified by the megaphone of Limbaugh’s aria, was a potentially apocalyptic combination for an election year. No one expressed this fear more nakedly than Peggy Noonan, speaking, again with Stephanopoulos, on ABC’s This Week. After duly calling out Rush for being “crude, rude, even piggish,” she added: “But what he said was also destructive. It confused the issue. It played into this trope that the Republicans have a war on women. No, they don’t, but he made it look that way.”
Note that she found Limbaugh “destructive” not because he was harming women but because he was harming her party. But the problem wasn’t that Limbaugh confused the issue. His real transgression was that he had given away the GOP game, crystallizing an issue that had been in full view for weeks. That’s why his behavior resonated with and angered so many Americans who otherwise might have tuned out his rant as just another sloppy helping of his aging shtick. It’s precisely because there is a Republican war on women that he hit a nerve. And surely no one knows that better than Noonan, a foot soldier in some of the war’s early battles well before Rush became a phenomenon. In her 1990 memoir about her service in the Reagan administration, What I Saw at the Revolution, she recalls likening Americans who favored legal abortions to Germans who favored killing Jews—a construct Limbaugh wouldn’t seize on and popularize (“feminazis”) until Reagan was leaving office and Anita Hill and Hillary Clinton emerged on the national stage.
GOP apologists like Noonan are hoping now that Limbaugh and Limbaugh alone will remain the issue—a useful big fat idiot whom Republicans can scapegoat for all the right’s misogynistic sins and use as a club to smack down piggish liberal media stars. The hope is that he will change the subject of the conversation altogether, from a Republican war on women to, as Noonan now frames it, the bipartisan “coarsening of discourse in public life.” That’s a side issue, if not a red herring. Coarse and destructive as sexist invective is—whether deployed by Limbaugh or liberals—it is nonetheless policies and laws that inflict the most insidious and serious casualties in the war on women. It’s Republicans in power, not radio talk-show hosts or comedians or cable-news anchors, who try and too often succeed at enacting punitive measures aimed at more than half the population. The war on women is rightly named because those who are waging it do real harm to real women with their actions, not words.
If that war were all about Rush Limbaugh—or all about abortion—it would be easy to understand and perhaps easy to file away as the same old same old. But a sweeping edict with full GOP support like the Blunt Amendment, which has nothing to do with abortion, indicates how much broader the animus is. The Republican Party in its pathological reaction to the rise of Obama has now moved so far to the right that it seems determined to turn back the clock to that supposedly halcyon time when Ralph Kramden was king of his domestic castle. Back then, as Santorum would have it, women just didn’t do things “counter to how things are supposed to be.”
For much of its history, misogyny was not the style of the party of Lincoln. For most of the twentieth century, the GOP was ahead of the curve in bestowing women’s rights. When the Nineteenth Amendment granting suffrage was ratified in 1920, roughly three-quarters of the 36 state legislatures that did so were controlled by Republicans. In 1940, the GOP mandated that women be equally represented in its national and executive committees—a standard not imposed by the Democrats until more than three decades later.
Barry Goldwater’s wife Peggy, inspired by a Margaret Sanger lecture in Phoenix in 1937, would help build one of the nation’s largest Planned Parenthood affiliates. Her husband favored abortion rights. “I think the average woman feels, ‘My God, that’s my business,’ and that’s the way we should keep it,” he said late in his career. Prescott Bush, the Connecticut senator who sired a presidential dynasty, was another Sanger enthusiast and treasurer for the first national Planned Parenthood fund-raising campaign. His son George, when a congressman in the sixties, was an ardent birth-control advocate and the principal Republican author of the trailblazing Family Planning Act of 1970. Capitol Hill colleagues jokingly nicknamed him “Rubbers.”
One loyal Republican woman whose political engagement began during this relatively enlightened time was Tanya Melich, the daughter of a state senator in ultraconservative Utah. Melich, who had passed out leaflets for Wendell Willkie as a child in the forties, had grown up to be a stalwart New York Republican and a 1992 Bush convention delegate. She was no fan of Democrats, who “stood for big government that obstructed individual freedom.”
Melich wrote those words in a memoir published in 1996. The book’s title was The Republican War Against Women. When it came out, it caused a small stir, but these days her eyewitness account of her party’s transformation seems more pertinent and prescient than ever. It gives the lie to the notion that a Republican war on women is some Democratic trope, trumped up in recent weeks for political use in 2012. Her history also reminds us that the hostility toward modern women resurfacing in the GOP today was baked into the party before the religious right gained its power and before recriminalizing abortion became a volatile cause.
The GOP started backing away from its traditional beneficence on women’s issues at the tail end of the Nixon presidency. Nixon had a progressive GOP take for his time: He supported the Equal Rights Amendment, appointed an impressive number of talented women, and in 1972 signed the Equal Employment Opportunity Act to strengthen the policing of workplace discrimination. But, in a telling shift a few months earlier, he also vetoed a bipartisan bill enabling child care for the millions of mothers then rapidly joining the workforce. As Melich observes, it would have been consistent with GOP frugality if Nixon had rejected the bill solely because of its cost. But his veto was accompanied by a jarring statement that child care would threaten American families by encouraging women to work. The inspiration for this unexpected reactionary broadside came not from fundamentalist clergy but from cynical, secular political strategists eager to exploit the growing backlash against the sixties feminist movement, much as the “southern strategy” was exploiting the backlash against the sixties civil-rights movement.
This tactic preceded Roe v. Wade, which was decided in 1973. The new GOP was hostile to female liberation, period, not just female sexual freedom. The pitch was articulated by Newt Gingrich in his first successful congressional race in Georgia in 1978. His opponent, a state senator named Virginia Shapard, crusaded for the Equal Rights Amendment and bankrolled her own campaign. That uppity profile gave the Gingrich forces an advertising message: “Newt will take his family to Washington and keep them together; Virginia will go to Washington and leave her husband and children in the care of a nanny.” Newt won by nine percentage points. One of his campaign officials tied his victory to the strategy of “appealing to the prejudice against working women, against their not being home.”
This hostility to independent women was codified in the national Republican platform throughout the seventies. A 1972 plank supporting federal assistance for day-care services was softened in 1976, then dropped entirely at the Reagan convention of 1980. A 1972 stipulation that “every woman should have the freedom to choose whatever career she wishes—and an equal chance to pursue it” also vanished. The 1980 platform instead took a patriarchal stance, applauding mothers and homemakers for “maintaining the values of this country.”
By then the anti-choice extremists of the religious right had merged with the hard right to produce the GOP convention from hell in 1992 in Houston. As if Pat Buchanan’s legendary address calling for an all-out culture war were not crazed enough, the vice-president’s wife, Marilyn Quayle, declared that “most women do not wish to be liberated from their essential natures as women.” Women, in fact, had now fallen to a status lower than the fetus as far as this recalibrated Republican Party was concerned. “I can’t imagine a crime more egregiously awful than forcible rape,” said Congressman Henry Hyde at a convention platform hearing, before going on to add: “There is honor in having to carry to term, not exterminating the child. From a great tragedy, goodness can come.”
The indignities of the 1992 Republican convention and campaign were all countenanced by Melich’s own candidate, the former “Rubbers,” who had long since repudiated his past good works on family planning. In disgust, she and many other Republican women voted for Bill Clinton. In what would later be dubbed the “Year of the Woman,” four new women were elected to the Senate in 1992, all Democrats. The gender gap, which had made its first appearance in the Reagan ascendancy of 1980, kept growing during the Clinton presidency. Mary Matalin blamed the problem, much as Noonan does now, on faulty communications that confused the issue for women voters. Conservatives needn’t worry about “changing their message,” Matalin condescendingly advised in 1996, but should instead focus on “conveying it in ways intelligible to women.”
Such tactics didn’t close the gender gap, which would remain intact until the Democratic shellacking of 2010, when women split between the parties. Unsurprisingly, the gap has returned with a vengeance this year. A post-Blunt-Limbaugh March Wall Street Journal–NBC News poll found that in an Obama-Romney matchup, Romney was winning among men by six points and losing among women by eighteen points, giving Obama an overall advantage of six points. Male Republican political hands aren’t losing sleep about it, for they assume that the gals will quickly forget these silly little tussles over contraception. “Nobody thinks it will matter in a couple of months,” said Vin Weber, the former Republican congressman and current Romney backer. “If Rick Santorum is not the nominee,” said Whit Ayres, the GOP pollster, “all the attention to these issues is going to evaporate.” According to Virginia governor Bob McDonnell, the requiring of ultrasound procedures in states like his has nothing to do with all the tumult. “This constant focus on social issues is largely coming from the Democrats,” he said on Meet the Press.
Whatever happens in November, there will be no Republican retreat in this war. Santorum is unlikely to be the GOP nominee, if he isn’t toast already, but his fade-out would no more change the state of play than if Limbaugh suddenly announced his retirement. What matters, and will continue to matter, is the damage inflicted by politicians and officials on women’s daily lives. Even a renewal of the once-bipartisan 1994 Violence Against Women Act is up for grabs in the current Congress.
The notion that Romney will somehow be more “moderate” on women’s issues than his opponents or party is not credible. The fact that he and his wife long ago supported Planned Parenthood in Massachusetts is no more a predictor of his agenda in the White House than the Bush family’s links to Planned Parenthood were of either Bush presidency. On policy, Romney and Santorum are on exactly the same page. Both endorsed the Blunt Amendment and the short-lived Komen defunding of Planned Parenthood. (Romney has called for the termination of all federal funding of Planned Parenthood.) Both men also want to shut down Title X—the main federal family-planning program supported by Nixon and then-Congressman Bush at its creation in 1970. Title X prevents abortions and unintended pregnancies by the hundreds of thousands per year, according to federal research. In addition to birth control, it also pays for preventive health care that includes cervical- and breast-cancer screening, testing for sexually transmitted diseases like HIV, and even some abstinence counseling for teenagers. It would be overstating the case to say that the men running for president and running Congress in the GOP are opposed to all these services; the evidence suggests that such female concerns aren’t on their radar screen.
Republicans in state government are not waiting for a Romney presidency to gut Title X and act on the rest of their wish list. Rick Perry has already rejected Title X money for Texas, assuring that countless poor women in his domain will be denied access to all reproductive health care, from birth-control pills to Pap smears. In other states from Pennsylvania to Arizona, Virginia-style laws mandating government medical procedures on pregnant women have made serious advances. So have “personhood” laws, which hold the promise to make birth control and family planning as endangered as abortion rights. The moment the state declares a fertilized egg a “person” is the moment when the morning-after pill and IUDs, not to mention in vitro fertilization, become, by definition, illegal.
To believe that Romney will somehow depart from his party’s misogyny in the White House, you have to believe that everything he has said about these issues during the primary campaign is a lie. You have to believe that the “real” Romney is the one who endorsed Roe v. Wade when he was running against Ted Kennedy in 1994, and that all the Etch A Sketch–ing since then has been a transitory attempt to pander to his party’s base. But a look at Romney’s personal history suggests that the real Romney is the one before us now—the sincere exponent of a deeply held faith whose entire top hierarchy is male and that still denies women the leadership roles that are bestowed on every Mormon male beginning at age 12. (At least blacks were finally granted full equality in the Church of Latter Day Saints in 1978.) The widely reported examples of Romney’s own personal behavior in his church roles as ward bishop and stake president in the Boston area suggest that he had not only never questioned this ethos but completely internalized it. He seems impervious to vulnerable women in crisis and need beyond his own family.
In one of these incidents, he turned his back on a 23-year-old single mother, Peggie Hayes, who had been a Romney family friend and teenage babysitter, because she refused to obey his and the church’s preference that she give up a second, out-of-wedlock child for adoption. Even when Hayes’s baby underwent frightening head surgery nine months after birth, Mitt spurned her call to come to the hospital to confer a blessing on her child. A similar Romney episode originally surfaced in an anonymous first-person account published by a Mormon feminist journal, Exponent II, in 1990. A mother of four learned that she had a blood clot in her pelvis during a later, unexpected pregnancy, putting her own health and that of the fetus at risk. Romney visited the hospital where she “lay helpless, hurt, and frightened,” as she described it, only to tell her that “as your bishop, my concern is with the child.” The woman, who has recently identified herself as Carrel Hilton Sheldon, was enraged that he cared more about “the eight-week possibility” in her uterus than he did about her—and that he offered “judgment, criticism, prejudicial advice, and rejection” at a time when she needed support from spiritual leaders and friends. In an interview with Ronald Scott, the author of a Romney biography published last year, Sheldon tried to be generous when looking back. “Mitt has many, many winning qualities,” she said, “but at the time he was blind to me as a human being.”
All of which is to affirm that George Stephanopoulos was addressing his question to the right candidate when he brought up the banning of contraception at that January debate. Santorum has always been completely candid about his view of women and their status; Romney was the one who had to be smoked out. Romney didn’t take the bait, but even so, his record is clear, and, unlike the angry Santorum, he has the smooth style of a fifties retro patriarch to camouflage the reactionary content. In this sense, his war on women would differ from Rick’s—and Rush’s—only in the way prized by GOP spin artists like Noonan and Matalin. He would never be so politically foolhardy as to spell out on-camera just how broad and nasty its goals really are.
Read the original article in New York Mag:
Ever since I was a kid, I've loved Roseanne. Her television show depicted a real American family and the struggles we all face. No matter the sums of money in the bank or the "class" society wants to put any of us in, "Roseanne" was something we all can relate to. Admit it or not.
These days Roseanne is still a lone voice of reality and reason for the people. She's on the ground with us, she's hilarious and who better to represent the voice of the people than the Domestic Goddess herself.
[youtube http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=iSZYGyOK_yY&w=420&h=315]
So, FORGET you selfish idiots, moral cowards, greedy incompetents and sexual degenerates! Welcome a new day...
Welcome to the Church of Common Sense.
Go to her website:
http://www.roseanneworld.com/blog/home.php
Follow her on twitter: @TheRealRoseanne
Register to VOTE: http://www.rockthevote.org/
Become a part of the movement!
Here lies an article so lovingly published on TMZ:
ROSEANNE BARR
Already a (Bong) Hit with Weed Advocacy Group
Roseanne Barr's soon-to-be failed run for President just got a little pick me up -- thanks to the biggest pro marijuana group around, which just announced its support for the comic-turned-politician.
The Executive Director of NORML (National Organization for Reform of Marijuana Laws) -- a guy named Allen St. Pierre -- tells TMZ, the group supports any candidate "who will adopt a pro-cannabis law reform plank as part of their political platform" ... especially Roseanne.
St. Pierre adds, "NORML welcomes Roseanne’s public support for ending a failed 74-year-old Cannabis Prohibition."
As we previously reported, Barr announced her intention to seek the highest office in the land and will go after the Green Party's nomination, campaigning to legalize marijuana.
Roseanne has a long history of being pro pot -- her classic sitcom even did an episode on the subject in the mid 90s. Roseanne also lives in two states (Hawaii and California) with progressive marijuana laws. Probably not a coincidence.
Disclaimer:
Let me be clear here, although this blog has to do with sex, the purpose of it is education. This is a place for people to use their minds, while enjoying entertainment and soon, find the amazing sexual simulators designed by Ganja Vibes to help keep those sexual degenerates in their rightful place - controlling the obscene, regulating disease, relieving themselves in the safety and privacy of their own personal space.
Love her as a comedian, love her as a freedom fighter, love her work as an actress and would LOVE HER AS PRESIDENT.
NO MATTER HOW HARSH HER WORDS, AT LEAST WE'D GET THE TRUTH!
An unemployed porno addict, sitting in his parents’ basement, playing video games, eating Lucky Charms out of the box with one hand while he lazily scratches his balls with the other. A dread-lock having, patchouli oil smelling, tie-die wearing, Phish listening, hula-hoop twirling space cadet. A burger flipping, acne having, socially inept, friendless loser… These are the common stereotypes associated with the term ‘pothead’. In a recent piece we published on pot farms, a debate erupted in the comments section, with some arguing that if you smoke pot, you’ll be poor, gay, and “washing dishes until you’re dead.”
Where these stereotypes originated remains a mystery to us. In reality, they couldn’t be further from the truth. Not only have 42% of Americans admitted to trying pot, but pot smokers have gone on to become some of the most successful people in our society. We’re not talking about Willie Nelson and Snoop. These guys are on the Forbes 500, they’re leading the free world, and they prove that all existing pothead stereotypes are nothing more than myths.
Sir Richard Branson
While the ‘Sir’ in front of this guy’s name puts him in some very elite company, it doesn’t automatically get him on this list. What does earn him a spot is the fact that he’s the 236th richest person in the world, founder of the Virgin empire, which encompasses everything from airlines to record stores to cell phones, and made his entire multi-billion dollar fortune from absolutely nothing. Not only does this man smoke weed, he gets high with his 21-year-old son. He has publicly stated that there’s nothing wrong with smoking pot, has petitioned for the legalization of pot, and even said that if it were legal, he’d sell it.
Rick Steves
Your name doesn’t become synonymous with ‘European Travel’ by accident. You can’t just take a bong hit, lay back in your bean bag and toss off a few ‘graphs on how awesome the Louvre is. And yet here’s Rick Steves, author of 27 top selling European travel guides, host of his own TV show and radio show, and a very outspoken pothead. He’s a member of the National Organization for the Reform of Marijuana Laws, and credits pot for turning him into a better travel writer by opening his mind to new things.
Aaron Sorkin
In fairness to tokers around the world, Sorkin is a bit more of a ‘drug addict’ than he is ‘pothead’. He started dabbling with weed and coke back in the late ’80s, has been in and out of rehab numerous times, and was arrested for possession of marijuana, mushrooms and crack in 2001. So yeah, he loves to smoke weed… but he also loves to freebase. Not cool, Aaron! However, the man’s drug problems have done little to hinder his success in Hollywood. His work on The West Wing, both as writer and producer, earned him multiple Emmy Awards, and countless nominations for other awards.
Michael Phelps
Mr. “Has More Olympic Gold Medals Than Anyone In History” made headlines this week when photos of him and a bong surfaced. Since the scandal, Phelps has given a few interviews decrying his “bad judgment,” promising it was a dumb mistake that never happened before and won’t happen again… but we know that’s bullsh*t. Phelps was hitting that bong like a pro, not daintily toking some little amateur joint. With this in mind, we’re going to go ahead and assume this wasn’t Phelps’s first time. It might be his last, but it definitely wasn’t his first. This means that you can become the most world class athlete of all time and be a pot smoker at the same time. Stereotype shattered.
Barack Obama
Almost every American President before Barry, from Washington to Clinton to Bush, has had a pot addled past. Clinton purportedly tried and failed to smoke a joint, Bush was a boozer, but messed with coke and pot from time to time, Washington even grew marijuana on his farm. But as far as we know, none have admitted to smoking as much pot as Obama. He wrote extensively about his stoner past in his book Dreams of My Father, and in a 2007 interview stated “When I was a kid I inhaled frequently. That was the point.” Anyone who wonders what kind of future a pothead can have should take a hard look at Barack Obama. Not only can you grow up to be ridiculously smart, you can grow up to be President.
Michael Bloomberg
The Mayor of New York’s last name is associated with ‘business’ and ‘success’, not ‘failure’ and ‘the munchies’. But if you’re one of those idiots who believes a pothead could never amount to anything, you’d have never guessed this was the way Bloomberg would turn out. Did he smoke pot when he was younger? In his own words “You bet I did. And I enjoyed it!”
Ted Turner
Ted is a rare breed of billionaire — he comes off as completely absent minded, incapable of even putting on his own pants. Yet he is a mega-mogul. He single-handedly invented the 24-hour news cycle with CNN, was named Time’s Man of the Year in 1991, is the largest private land owner in America, and also owns a few other TV stations, and the Atlanta Braves. So… owning lots of stuff? Not what you’d expect from a guy who grew pot in his college dorm room. Ted is also a major funder of the Kentucky Hemp Museum, along with renowned stoner Woody Harelson, and is a well known fan of the classic stoner cartoon Scooby-Doo.
Montel Williams
The talk show prince discovered pot late in life, and for good reason. Back in 1999 he was diagnosed withMultiple Sclerosis, and couldn’t find anything to suppress his symptoms. He tried all sorts of pain killers; none worked, and all had horrible side effects. So he decided to try medical marijuana (same thing as regular marijuana, FYI) and it worked wonders for him! Years later, he is one of MS’s most recognizable faces, one of medical marijuana’s staunchest defenders, and even though he’s baked all the time, still managed to host his own talk show until 2008, when it was unfortunately canceled. Well, at least he’s still got his weed.
Stephen King
We haven’t included many creative types on this list, mostly because they’re all potheads. Every actor, musician and artist ever is a huge pothead. It’s a fact, don’t dispute us. But writing 1,000 page novels is a slightly different process. You can’t just ‘jam out’ The Stand. Over the course of his career, both his output and his success have been unparalleled. He’s authored upwards of 50 novels and short stories which have sold a collective 500 million copies worldwide. He’s also been one of the most vocal proponents for the legalization of marijuana, calling laws against the drug “ridiculous,” and stating that “I think that marijuana should not only be legal, I think it should be a cottage industry.” It makes perfect sense. You’d have to be stoned to come up with some of the sh*t this guy has.
Arnold Schwarzenegger
The Governator is the only man on this list who is actually on video smoking weed. In the classic documentary Pumping Iron, he is seen smoking, and loving, a joint. But hey man, that was the’70s, right? Things have chanced since then. Haven’t they? Well, Schwarzenegger hasn’t been puffing since his election to office, but he has presided over California’s recent medical marijuana renaissance. Now anyone who wants one can get a pot prescription in the state, which gives them legal access to some of the best weed in the country, and even allows them to grow plants in their own home. According to Arnold, marijuana “is not a drug, it’s a leaf.”
Source: http://starhightech.com/starhightech/?p=616
http://coedmagazine.com/2011/12/26/10-successful-potheads-who-admit-it/#photo=9
26,000 BCE: The world's oldest known dildo is fashioned in what would be modern-day Germany. Made of siltstone, its 20cm length was reconstructed from 14 different fragments. In addition to its possible sexual usages, scars on the stone indicate it may also have been used to knap flint tools.
2,000 BCE: Ancient Grecian brothels feature a variety of sex toys including vaginal and anal penetration devices. Such artifacts were widely accepted, and some people were even buried with their personal favorites. The Greeks used olive oil as sexual lubrication, a practice that is still in occasional use today.
206 BCE - 220 CE: Many beautiful, ornate phalluses are created during the Han Dynasty in China out of bronze. These were believed to be used on frustrated concubines that the emperor didn't have time to attend to.
Mid-1500s: Two Spanish nuns accused of using "genital instruments" on each other are burned at the stake. Laws making "sins against nature" capital crimes had been on the books in Spain since the 1400s. Scholar Bonnie Zimmerman says in Lesbian Histories and Cultures: An Encyclopedia, "Select enforcement of sodomy laws, when read in context of court testimony, suggests the primary concern of the authorities was the women's usurpation of masculine prerogatives." The woman who cross-dressed or used dildos was usually punished more harshly, as sex without a phallus was not considered real sex.
1734: The first wind-up vibrator is invented. Called the Tremoussoir, it was wound with a key and then vibrated until the mechanism timed out, not unlike a child's wind-up car.
The Manipulator
1869: George Taylor develops the Manipulator, the world's first steam-powered sex toy. During the 19th century, clitoral massage began to be used to treat "female hysteria," the symptoms of which were nervousness, insomnia, shortness of breath, irritability and a host of other signs. Doctors initially treated female hysteria through manual stimulation to the point of orgasm, but found the procedure boring, tiring and damaging to hands and wrists from prolonged sessions. Though awkward, the Manipulator was seen as a godsend to fatigued doctors.
1902: Hamilton Beach patents the first electrical vibrator available for commercial sale. It is only the fifth appliance to have been electrified at this point in history.
1985: A dance instructor named Dave Lambert constructs the first sybian, a mountable vibrator that is ridden and is rated up to 1,000 lbs. Penthouse produced many videos based around the device, and Howard Stern keeps one in his studio for use by willing guests.
1998: A discussion about the Vibratex's Rabbit Pearl on an episode of Sex and the City helps further mainstream vibrator use.
By Jef With One F Wed., Mar. 7 2012 at Houston Press
DJ APOLLO is a hip hop legend and musical pioneer who helped lay the foundation for the subculture known as turntablism. Born in the Philippines and raised in San Francisco, Apollo is a jack of all trades known for his many musical styles, from hip hop to soul, funk, breaks, 80's & disco to name a few. He was one of the first DJs to experiment with the turntable as a musical instrument, which helped elevate the skill into an art form and turn the DJ into a musician. Because of this, Apollo also became one of the first DJs to be member of a live jazz band.
One of the founders and original members of the Invisbl Skratch Piklz (ISP), Apollo helped introduce a revolutionary art form to the music world. The Piklz created the first turntable band: an art form in which turntables become the instruments that form all various sounds. The crew comprised of Apollo, Mix Master Mike and Qbert (also known as the Rock Steady DJs), and each artist possessed the skills to play various musical roles. These included the role of the drummer, bass player, lead scratch or turntablist. The combined talent of this team earned the group the titles of Disco Mixing Club (DMC) United States And World Champions (1992), which is the highest honor a DJ group can earn. The original ISP won them on both the national and international levels.
With the success in the DJ battle circuit, Apollo's talent caught the attention of musical geniuses in the jazz and hip hop arenas. Apollo became the official DJ for Buckshot Lefonque, a band led by jazz legend Branford Marsalis and co-produced by DJ Premier of Gangstarr. Apollo also landed the DJ spot for Oakland based hip hop collective, Souls of Mischief of the Hieroglyphics and his musical work is featured on the group album "No Mans Land." Another defining moment in Apollo's career has been his experience with hip hop jazz trumpet player, Russell Gunn, and recorded tracks for Gunn's albums Music Ethnocology, Volumes 1 and 2. Apollo is currently the DJ for another Oakland native, the diva of the Bay Area, Goapele.
Apollo is one of the few DJs in the world that has appeared on the three major late night talk shows, including David Letterman, Jay Leno and Conan O'Brien. He is also featured in Scratch, a 2001 documentary film, directed by Doug Pray, that examines cultural and historical perspectives on the birth and evolution of hip-hop disc jockeys, scratching and turntablism and includes interview with some of hip-hop's most famous and respected DJs. Both national and international publications continue to highlight Apollo throughout his career, including Vibe, Rolling Stone, URB, DJ Times, and The Source to name a few. Some of his awards include the Technics DMC DJ Hall of Fame Award and Inductee (1999) , the International Turntablist Federation (ITF) Grand Wizard Theodore Award (2000), and the Hip Hop Slam Hall of Fame Award (2002) presented by Billy Jam.
In 1999, Apollo joined up with two other legendary DJs, Shortkut (Beat Junkies) and Vinroc (5th Platoon), to form the super DJ group Triple Threat DJs. The only collective comprised of all turntable champions from major turntable crews. Triple Threat strive to master as many musical styles as possible as they produce tracks, compose music on the ones and twos, and rock a party with three times the power of your average turntable legend. Triple Threat has expanded into a music label and events promotions company as well.
On an individual level, Apollo also continues to create and master new forms of turntablism. He has an ongoing series of highly coveted mixes and projects that incorporate different genres in live gigs and studio beats, and spreads his musical acumen with DJ gigs throughout the world.
If you want to KNOW what GOOD is, check out DJ Apollo's Dancehall Reggae Mix. Ya Welcome!
Go To: http://www.mixcrate.com/mix/66378/DJ-Apollo-Reggae-Dancehall-Classics
DJ Apollo supports the cause, being one of the many fine entertainers at this past years West Coast Cannabis Expo!
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